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| Eco-Sacrifice is Closer Than You Think | In Old Europe The Real Problem is Fear |
by Christopher Chantrill
April 10, 2006 at 7:17 am
HOW ABOUT THIS British family from hell? Their 14 year old daughter Leighanne recently got arrested for drinking and driving--and it was her second offense. How did the precocious Leighanne respond to her sentencing, as reported by the Daily Mail on April 1, 2006? She threw a water carafe at the magistrate and pushed her learned counsel. Outside the courtroom the truculent youngster threw eggs at reporters.
In the Spectator the following week we learned additional details. Her parents, Nora and Maurice, were both drawing disability pensions. Nora and Maurice are on benefits on account of his cancer and angina and her lung trouble and high blood pressure.
In Britain, according to James Bartholomew in The Welfare State Were In, there are about 2.7 million people on invalidity benefit. That is three times the number of unemployed, about nine percent of the workforce. There is a pretty obvious reason why there should be so many people disabled. Its the money. The weekly benefit for invalidity can be about $315. With both the Blacks incapacitated, that could amount to $2,650 per month. Given that in Britain health care is on the NHS you can see why the Blacks might choose money-for-nothing rather than the indignity of work.
Its a pity that such a delicious story was ginned up by the British as an April Fool.
We should only wish that Charles Murrays latest idea was as harmless. He proposes in his new book In Our Hands: A Plan to Replace the Welfare State to give $10,000 per year to everyone in America over 21, provided that we each use a part of it to secure health insurance. This money-for-nothing would replace all present government pension programs, from Social Security to Medicare to Welfare to Disability Insurance.
Murray seems to think that his money-for-nothing would revive social spirit and neighborliness in the American people. More likely it would encourage truculent families from hell imagined with such verisimilitude by the British April Foolers, for Murrays plan would do nothing to restore the social ties that the welfare state has sundered. It is merely a mechanical shifting of resources. It does nothing to encourage the little platoons.
To be attached to the subdivision, to love the little platoon we belong to in society, Burke famously asserted at the end of the eighteenth century, is the first principle (the germ as it were) of public affections. The ordinary people of Britain and the United States took him at his word, and by the end of the nineteenth century had built an astonishing army of little platoons despite, or perhaps because of, the vast transformation of the industrial revolution. They inaugurated new religious sects and built churches, they built a vast network of fraternal and mutual-aid associations, and out on the frontier of America they wrote their own laws, eventually engrossed into the United States Code in the Homestead Act of 1862 and federal mining law. They even achieved 90 percent literacy before compulsory government education.
But then the Progressives and Fabians came along and transformed the political culture of the Anglosphere. They promoted vast schemes of government regulation and social benefits to correct the poverty and want they saw around them. What ordinary people had provided for in their little platoons could now be obtained as money-for-nothing from government programs.
The result has been the family from hell and the plague of truculence, the epidemic of people freed from the culture of obligation in the little platoon. The truculent are everywhere: rioting French students, unionized government teachers, angry left netroots, and tenured Harvard professors. They are all convinced of their entitlement.
How does Murrays plan change that? His plan still offers money-for-nothing, if mercifully freed from the dead hand of liberal government bureaucracy.
The plague of truculence and families from hell will not be ended by a magic $10,000 vaccine. It will be reversed by reviving the little platoons that bind people to each other in face-to-face obligation.
We should pay attention to the example of the Progressives. They were middle-class people born to a competence, their lives freed from the spur of necessity. They found that they needed something more than mere material abundance to bring meaning to their lives. They found it in work, working for a movement to transform America.
If you want your life to matter then you must matter to other lives. You will find that you matter when you enlist in a little platoon and enter the web of mutual obligation, of giving and receiving. You will not find it with money-for-nothing.
Christopher Chantrill blogs at americanmanifestobook.blogspot.com.
Buy his Road to the Middle Class.
[T]he way to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on a nonracial basis,
Brown II, 349 U. S., at 300301, is to stop assigning students on a racial basis. The way to stop
discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.
Roberts, C.J., Parents Involved in Community Schools vs. Seattle School District
[In the] higher Christian churches... they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
[Every] sacrifice is an act of impurity that pays for a prior act of greater impurity... without its participants having to suffer the full consequences incurred by its predecessor. The punishment is commuted in a process that strangely combines and finesses the deep contradiction between justice and mercy.
Frederick Turner, Beauty: The Value of Values
Within Pentecostalism the injurious hierarchies of the wider world are abrogated and replaced by a single hierarchy of faith, grace, and the empowerments of the spirit... where groups gather on rafts to take them through the turbulence of the great journey from extensive rural networks to the mega-city and the nuclear family...
David Martin, On Secularization
When recurrently the tradition of the virtues is regenerated, it is always in everyday life, it is always through the engagement by plain persons in a variety of practices, including those of making and sustaining families and households, schools, clinics, and local forms of political community.
Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue
What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph
These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self
There was nothing new about the Frankish drive to the east... [let] us recall that the continuance of their rule depended upon regular, successful, predatory warfare.
Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion
The Union publishes an exact return of the amount of its taxes; I can get copies of the budgets of the four and twenty component states; but who can tell me what the citizens spend in the administration of county and township?
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America
The recognition and integration of extralegal property rights [in the Homestead Act] was a key element in the United States becoming the most important market economy and producer of capital in the world.
Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital
The primary thing to keep in mind about German and Russian thought since
1800 is that it takes for granted that the Cartesian, Lockean or Humean scientific and
philosophical conception of man and nature... has been shown by indisputable evidence to be
inadequate.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Meeting of East and West
The incentive that impels a man to act is always some uneasiness...
But to make a man act [he must have]
the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove
or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness.
Ludwig von Mises, Human Action