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| The Supreme Court and Little Lord Fauntleroy | What Muslims Must Do After 7/7 |
by Christopher Chantrill
July 12, 2005 at 10:53 am
ALTHOUGH the 7/7 London bombings, coming a day after the award of the 2012 Summer Olympics, were immediately interpreted as a cruel trick upon Londoners, It was really an appropriate culmination to a week of modern ephemera. The week of 7/7 began with a Live8 concert at which young people could blame their parents for tolerating world poverty. It continued with demonstrations by the usual crew of lefty anti-globalists and a meeting at which the worlds leaders endeavored to prove that their concern for Africa was at least as great as Dickenss Mrs. Jellybys concern for the natives of Booriaboola-gha. Then there was the award of the 2012 Olympic Games to London, and finally the bombs-in-subways artistry of the terrorists.
Consummate political actor that he is, Prime Minister Blair hit his marks flawlessly right through the week, culminating with a sad but firm insistence to the terrorists that Its through terrorism that the people [who] have committed this terrible act express their values and its right at this moment that we demonstrate ours.
By the weekend things had returned to normal and The Guardian was relieved that nobody had
spoken of retaliation or reprisals against other countries or sections of society. For it is crucial not to indulge in the rhetoric of a clash of civilisations, legitimising revenge attacks on Muslims and driving the many into feelings of marginalisation that will breed despair and strengthen the hand of hatemongers who find their recruits among the weak-minded.
We could now get on ordinary life leavened with a rigorous and fair implementation of existing laws combined with heightened public vigilance and sidestep any question of a bigger conflict.
The editors of The Guardian are right. Even the American philosopher Lee Harris admits it:
After the London bombing, I feel more than ever that the war model is deeply flawed, and that a truer picture of the present conflict may be gained by studying another, culturally distinct form of violent conflict, namely the blood feud.
The blood feud is not a fight to the death but rather a form of private justice in which you are avenging yourself on your enemy for something that he did in the past.
But there is another way to understand war on terror and the actions of the Islamic terrorists, namely in the rebellions of the Plains Indians and the Chinese Boxers against the western imperialists in the nineteenth century. The frustrated young men of the North American plains developed a cult of Ghost Shirt dancing and the young men of the East Asian plains developed a cult of Spirit Boxing as magical ways to stop the bullets of western rifles. But of course the western rifled bullets were the least of their problems.
The real power of the global capitalist democracies is not in their weapons or their wars on terror but in the power of their social organization and social technologies. From this view the war on terror is a tactical diversion, part of an ongoing effort to keep the Middle Easts oil resources out of the control of a single despot. Meanwhile the advance of global capitalism rolls on, with the real action taking place in China and India.
The great drama of the last millennium is the gripping tale of the global shift from a human economy based upon the ownership of physical capital, principally in control of arable land, to a new human economy based upon the ownership and deployment of human capital, principally through the agency of the limited liability company. At the center of this global shift has been a revolution in the relations between the people and their rulers.
In the old days the land was central and the people were a cost, subjects useful only in keeping the land productive. But now the people are a resource, citizens valued for their productive power, and the resources are a cost. Modern powers compete in an arms race of human resources and global productivity.
It took a while for the two great centers of human culture to cotton onto the new world order, and the cost in human misery has been great. For India it meant two and a half centuries of humiliation under the tutelage of the British, and forty years of subsequent misdirection. For China it has meant a two-hundred-year time of troubles.
But while the peoples of India and China have got with the program, the rulers of oil rich Arabia have not. To them the terroristic young men of Islam are surplus population, an unnecessary cost.
The genius of the United States has been to take the surplus populations of the world and transform them into a global middle class. The world waits upon Europe to get on with the business as usual of doing the same for the surplus populations of Arabia.
Christopher Chantrill blogs at americanmanifestobook.blogspot.com.
Buy his Road to the Middle Class.
When we began first to preach these things, the people appeared as awakened from the sleep of agesthey seemed to see for the first time that they were responsible beings...
Finke, Stark, The Churching of America, 1776-1990
In 1911... at least nine million of the 12 million covered by national insurance were already members of voluntary sick pay schemes. A similar proportion were also eligible for medical care.
Green, Reinventing Civil Society
We have met with families in which for weeks together, not an article of sustenance but potatoes had been used; yet for every child the hard-earned sum was provided to send them to school.
E. G. West, Education and the State
Law being too tenuous to rely upon in [Ulster and the Scottish borderlands], people developed patterns of settling differences by personal fighting and family feuds.
Thomas Sowell, Conquests and Cultures
The primary thing to keep in mind about German and Russian thought since
1800 is that it takes for granted that the Cartesian, Lockean or Humean scientific and
philosophical conception of man and nature... has been shown by indisputable evidence to be
inadequate.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Meeting of East and West
Inquiry does not start unless there is a problem... It is the problem and its
characteristics revealed by analysis which guides one first to the relevant facts and then,
once the relevant facts are known, to the relevant hypotheses.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Logic of the Sciences and the Humanities
But I saw a man yesterday who knows a fellow who had it from a chappie
that said that Urquhart had been dipping himself a bit recklessly off the deep end.
Freddy Arbuthnot
Dorothy L. Sayers, Strong Poison
I mean three systems in one: a predominantly market economy; a polity respectful of the rights of the individual to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and a system of cultural institutions moved by ideals of liberty and justice for all.
In short, three dynamic and converging systems functioning as one: a democratic polity, an economy based on markets and incentives, and a moral-cultural system which is plural and, in the largest sense, liberal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism
The incentive that impels a man to act is always some uneasiness...
But to make a man act [he must have]
the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove
or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness.
Ludwig von Mises, Human Action
[In the] higher Christian churches... they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
When we received Christ, Phil added, all of a sudden we now had a rule book to go by, and when we had problems the preacher was right there to give us the answers.
James M. Ault, Jr., Spirit and Flesh
The recognition and integration of extralegal property rights [in the Homestead Act] was a key element in the United States becoming the most important market economy and producer of capital in the world.
Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital